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The Minnesota Vikings have gone full circle from the “Purple People Eaters,” the nickname of their brutal defensive front line of the 1960s, to champion the colors of the rainbow. Zach Pereles of Yahoo! Sports relates how the Vikings allowed a has-been former punter to figuratively “blackmail” them into settling a dispute by promising to host an LGBTQ summit at their Eagan, Minnesota headquarters June 21.
Of course we’re not talking about linebackers, guards, backs, tackles and quarterbacks here. We are talking about a pro football team that agreed with former punter and antagonist Chris Kluwe (seen in photo) to host the rainbow event. Kluwe was a nobody punter for the Vikes until he gained notoriety for his same-sex marriage activism. And Pereles didn’t refer to any sort of pressure by Kluwe to get the Vikings to dummy up.
In 2012 Kluwe wrote a vulgarity-laced hate letter to Maryland state assembly delegate Emmett Burns. The lawmaker had spoken out against same-sex marriage, and Kluwe lectured to him that gay people “won’t magically turn you into a lustful cockmonster,” along with other choice words not fit for children to hear. Kluwe also campaigned against California’s Proposition 8 marriage defense amendment, appeared on The Ellen DeGeneres Show and was Grand Marshal of the Twin Cities Pride festival.
The punter was released by Minnesota in 2013 and his pro football career soon ended in Oakland. Under-estimating the deep embarrassment he caused the team, Kluwe claimed he was released by Minnesota because of his activism. In 2014 he threatened to sue the Vikings for being anti-LGBTQ.
Lest the Vikings draw the feared accusation of homophobia, Minnesota is kissing up to Kluwe and his LGBTQ friends. The team is now driving for the goal line of LGBTQ activism by inviting 200 people to the summit, including officials from the other NFL teams, along with people from local colleges and high schools.
Speakers will include Kluwe and Greg Louganis, the former Olympic diving champion. It’s a fundraiser for local and national LGBTQ groups. Chris Hine, of the Minneapolis Star-Tribune, wrote it will feature four panels highlighting “how coaches and players can make sports a more welcome environment for LGBTQ athletes.”
Vikings’ COO Kevin Warren aims to make this huddle a recurring event. “We definitely want to make sure this is not a one-time event. I can say that with confidence,” Warren said. The organizers want to promote inclusion, but don’t expect this version of “inclusion” to include Tony Perkins or Dr. Dobson.
In what comes across as a veiled threat, Kluwe said: “We obviously had our issues a while ago, but this is our way of looking forward and trying to figure out how we make sure that we set the stage for that not to happen again.”
Just when you thought the NFL can’t travel any further down the road of PC and social justice activism, you get another dose of reality disproving that. We’ve digressed from the bygone era of John Facenda’s “Headcracker Suite” to the “rainbow suite,” social justice activists disguised as football players forcing the league into a multi-million dollar campaign for prison reform and a has-been quarterback turning the league into a collusion lawsuit circus. All with overwhelming media approval!
Colin Kaepernick’s former teammate Eric Reid this week filed a collusion lawsuit against the NFL, and an anonymous source told Yahoo! Sports that President Trump is the actual target of this new litigation.
Reid played for the San Francisco 49ers for the past five seasons, and in 2016 he kneeled in protest alongside Kaepernick. Reid is now a free agent, but he’s attracted little interest from other teams. This week the safety filed a lawsuit against the NFL claiming the league colluded against him because of his anthem protests, just as Kaepernick did last fall.
Charles Robinson has been reporting on the Kaepernick and Reid stories for Yahoo! Sports. He’s citing the proverbial unnamed source in a story claiming Reid’s lawsuit is aimed not at the NFL, but at the president:
“When Eric Reid filed a grievance against the NFL this week, it highlighted a string of legal breadcrumbs left for months in Colin Kaepernick’s collusion case brought against the league. And now more than ever, those breadcrumbs appear to be leading to one person: President Donald Trump.
“A source who has viewed Reid’s confidential collusion filing against the NFL told Yahoo Sports that Trump is the crystal-clear target in the complaint.”
Robinson’s mystery source alleges Trump is the target of Reid’s suit because he played a direct role in “aligning NFL owners against players who had chosen to kneel as a form of silent protest, an act designed by the players to raise social awareness and promote racial equality, among other pursuits.”
Additionally, Robinson’s source says Reid’s complaint is “anchored almost entirely to allegations of direct, but apparently still undefined, communications between Trump and NFL owners, which caused owners to take adverse action against Reid and other players.”
One of those players is allegedly Kaepernick, but he’s not the only one, according to Robinson’s sports version of “Deep Throat.”
The anonymous source told Robinson that President Trump had public and private communications with NFL owners that included a litany of statements the president made about kneeling players in speeches, interviews and on his Twitter account. Private communications between Trump and Dallas Cowboys owner Jerry Jones (left in photo above) and other owners could also supposedly demonstrate collusion.
The source claiming to have seen the lawsuit indicated it rehashes some of Kaepernick’s collusion lawsuit, with one key difference that could make Reid’s case “more revealing.” It follows months of discovery and depositions by the attorneys representing both free agents. They now have a lot of private information that wasn’t available at the time Kaepernick filed his complaint in October.
Robinson writes: “Reid’s lawyers may feel they already have the evidence of collusion they need because it has been revealed during the course of Kaepernick’s discovery process.”
Both lawsuits take aim at NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell, other NFL executives and all 32 team owners. “But it apparently paints Trump as the driving force behind the depths of the league’s motivation to keep both Kaepernick and Reid out of the league,” Robinson says of Reid’s suit. It’s the key distinction between the two lawsuits. “And it suggests that during the process of discovery, the attorneys for Kaepernick and Reid have cultivated evidence putting Trump at center stage.”
Depositions of two team owners focused on the president. Jones admitted to having conversations with the president about kneeling players, and Miami Dolphins owner Stephen Ross said he supported the protests, then turned against them after Trump portrayed player protests as anti-military (something many, many football fans alleged from the start of Kaepernick’s protest). A recent New York Times story on the leaked tape of a meeting between owners and protesting players last November included several instances of owners expressing concerns about Trump’s opposition to the protests.
Robinson’s conclusion again zeroes in on the president as highly influential in collusion against Reid and Kaepernick:
“Viewed in the wider scope, the points of information are leading straight to one place. From the direction of the depositions, to the surreptitiously recorded meeting between players and owners, to a pair of collusion cases that apparently now share a unifying theme.
“Seven months ago, Trump was a strong figure in alleged NFL collusion. Today, he’s the center of it.”
Robinson’s piece personifies the overwhelming bias of sports media against President Trump. Nothing would please them more than for Reid and Kaepernick to win their respective collusion lawsuits and to have the blame for the NFL’s loss laid at President Trump’s feet.
The self-described “legal arm of the pro-Israel community” Jewish lobby has issued “cease and desist” legal threats against Google, Twitter, and Yahoo, demanding that they censor content critical of the Jews’ “Holocaust” narrative—or face legal action.
According to a press release issued by the New York-based Lawfare Project—which on its website claims to be the “Legal Arm of the Pro-Israel Community,” that organization’s Executive Director Brooke Goldstein has announced the legal action in Spain “against internet giants Yahoo, Google, and Twitter, for failing to address the proliferation of Holocaust denial websites” on their platforms.
“Unless Google, Yahoo, and Twitter take down the anti-Semitic content on their platforms, they will be taken to court in Spain, and elsewhere,” said Goldstein.
In the last week, these Jews sent “cease and desist letters to a number of search engines, including Google and Yahoo, with possible action planned against Twitter.”
The letters state that if the platforms “do not act decisively and quickly to take down the anti-Semitic and defamatory content, as defined by Spanish law, a lawsuit will be filed against them.”
“Google, Yahoo, and Twitter are all hosting antisemitic websites and content on their platforms that violate Spanish law. If they do not respond positively to the cease and desist letters sent last week, we will file lawsuits against them,” said Ignacio Wenley Palacios, The Lawfare Project’s Spanish counsel.
The Lawfare Project is also known for being the first of at least three Jewish lobbies to file legal suits against the Belgian government in 2017 and early 2018 for that country’s law banning Jewish and Muslim ritual slaughter of animals, a cruel and backward process which inflicts great pain upon the animals and is increasingly being rejected by all civilized people for the animal cruelty that it is.
That legal action against Belgium is still ongoing, as the law is only due to take effect in 2019.
- Alex Jones Calls for Tech Regulation amid Google Ban of Right-Wingers
- Russia to create NEW INTERNET if it gets disconnected from US internet
- YouTube says it ‘accidentally’ shut down conservative channels
- Iceland, Poland, Moves to Outlaw Circumcision and Ritual Slaughter
- CNN is Directly Lobbying YouTube to Shut Down Infowars
Source Article from http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/TheEuropeanUnionTimes/~3/VyRzCjWaw90/
If you’re been reading this site for very long, you’re already well aware that the so-called “mainstream media” functions as pawns of the deep state, catapulting propaganda on command, blacking out news stories they don’t want you to see, and fabricating false “sources” to justify fictitious stories that achieve a political agenda.
Some of the media organizations that have knowingly and deliberately published deep state propaganda, as you’ll see below, include Mother Jones, Slate, Yahoo News, the Washington Post, the New York Times, The Atlantic and of course fake news CNN.
Author Lee Smith at The Federalist has authored a detailed tour of the journalistic malpractice pursued by these organizations over the last two years. It’s an extremely important article that every informed American should read because it exposes the utter fakery and maliciousness of the left-wing media.
The Media Stopped Reporting The Russia Collusion Story Because They Helped Create It
The press has played an active role in the Trump-Russia collusion story since its inception. It helped birth it.
Story by Lee Smith, The Federalist
Half the country wants to know why the press won’t cover the growing scandal now implicating the Federal Bureau of Investigation and Department of Justice, and threatening to reach the State Department, Central Intelligence Agency, and perhaps even the Obama White House.
After all, the release last week of a less-redacted version of Sens. Charles Grassley and Lindsey Graham’s January 4 letter showed that the FBI secured a Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act warrant to search the communications of a Trump campaign adviser based on a piece of opposition research paid for by the Clinton campaign and the Democratic National Committee. The Fourth Amendment rights of an American citizen were violated to allow one political party to spy on another.
If the press did its job and reported the facts, the argument goes, then it wouldn’t just be Republicans and Trump supporters demanding accountability and justice. Americans across the political spectrum would understand the nature and extent of the abuses and crimes touching not just on one political party and its presidential candidate but the rights of every American.
That’s all true, but irrelevant. The reasons the press won’t cover the story are suggested in the Graham-Grassley letter itself.
Steele Was a Media Informant
The letter details how Christopher Steele, the former British spy who allegedly authored the documents claiming ties between the Trump campaign and Russia, told the FBI he wasn’t talking to the press about his investigation. In a British court, however, Steele acknowledged briefing several media organizations on the material in his dossier.
According to the British court documents, Steele briefed the New York Times, Washington Post, Yahoo! News, The New Yorker, and CNN. In October, he talked to Mother Jones reporter David Corn by Skype. It was Corn’s October 31 article anonymously sourced to Steele that alerted the FBI their informant was speaking to the press. Grassley and Graham referred Steele to the Department of Justice for a criminal investigation because he lied to the FBI.
The list of media outfits and journalists made aware of Steele’s investigations is extensive. Reuters reported that it, too, was briefed on the dossier, and while it refrained from reporting on it before the election, its national security reporter Mark Hosenball became an advocate of the dossier’s findings after November 2016.
BBC’s Paul Wood wrote in January 2017 that he was briefed on the dossier a week before the election. Newsweek’s Kurt Eichenwald likely saw Steele’s work around the same time, because he published an article days before the election based on a “Western intelligence” source (i.e., Steele) who cited names and data points that could only come from the DNC- and Clinton-funded opposition research.
A line from the Grassley-Graham letter points to an even larger circle of media outfits that appear to have been in contact with either Steele or Fusion GPS, the Washington DC firm that contracted him for the opposition research the Clinton campaign and Democratic National Committee commissioned. “During the summer of 2016,” the Grassley-Graham letter reads, “reports of some of the dossier allegations began circulating among reporters and people involved in Russian issues.”
Planting the Carter Page Story
Indeed, it looks like Steele and Fusion GPS founder Glenn Simpson may have persuaded a number of major foreign policy and national security writers in Washington and New York that Trump and his team were in league with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Those journalists include New Yorker editor David Remnick, Atlantic editor Jeffrey Goldberg, former New Republic editor Franklin Foer, and Washington Post columnist Anne Applebaum.
A Foer story published in Slate on July 4, 2016 appears to be central. Titled “Putin’s Puppet,” Foer’s piece argues the Trump campaign was overly Russia-friendly. Foer discusses Trump’s team, including campaign convention manager Paul Manafort, who worked with former Ukrainian president Victor Yanukovich, a Putin ally; and Carter Page, who, Foer wrote, “advised the state-controlled natural gas giant Gazprom and helped it attract Western investors.”
That’s how Page described himself in a March 2016 Bloomberg interview. But as Julia Ioffe reported in a September 23, 2016 Politico article, Page was a mid-level executive at Merrill Lynch in Moscow who played no role in any of the big deals he boasted about. As Ioffe shows, almost no one in Moscow remembered Page. Until Trump read his name off a piece of paper handed to him during a March interview with the Washington Post, almost no one in the Washington foreign policy world had heard of Page either.
So what got Foer interested in Page? Were Steele and Simpson already briefing reporters on their opposition research into the Trump campaign? (Another Foer story for Slate, an October 31, 2016 article about the Trump organization’s computer servers “pinging” a Russian bank, was reportedly “pushed” to him by Fusion GPS.) Page and Manafort are the protagonists of the Steele dossier, the former one of the latter’s intermediaries with Russian officials and associates of Putin. Page’s July 7 speech in Moscow attracted wide U.S. media coverage, but Foer’s article published several days earlier.
The Slate article, then, looks like the predicate for allegations against Page made in the dossier after his July Russia trip. For instance, according to Steele’s investigations, Page was offered a 19 percent stake in Rosneft, one of the world’s energy giants, in exchange for help repealing sanctions related to Russia’s 2014 incursion into Ukraine.
Building an Echo Chamber of Opposition Research
Many have noted the absurdity that the FISA warrant on Page was chiefly based, according to a House intelligence committee memo, on the dossier and Michael Isikoff’s September 23, 2016 news story also based on the dossier. But much of the Russiagate campaign was conducted in this circular manner. Steele and Simpson built an echo chamber with their opposition research, parts of the law enforcement and intelligence communities, and the press all reinforcing one another. Plant an item in the open air and watch it grow—like Page’s role in the Trump campaign.
Why else was Foer or anyone so interested in Page? Why was Page’s Moscow speech so closely watched and widely covered? According to the Washington Post, Page “chided” American policymakers for an “often-hypocritical focus on democratization, inequality, corruption and regime change” in its dealings with Russia, China, and Central Asia.
As peculiar as it may have sounded for a graduate of the Naval Academy to cast a skeptical eye on American exceptionalism, Page’s speech could hardly have struck the policy establishment as shocking, or even novel. They’d been hearing versions of it for the last eight years from the president of the United States.
In President Obama’s first speech before the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), on September 23, 2009, he insisted that no country, least of all America, has the right to tell other countries how to organize their political lives. “Democracy cannot be imposed on any nation from the outside,” said Obama. “Each society must search for its own path, and no path is perfect. Each country will pursue a path rooted in the culture of its people and in its past traditions.”
Obama sounded even more wary of American leadership on his way out of office eight years later. In his 2016 UNGA speech, the 2009 Nobel laureate said: “I do not think that America can — or should — impose our system of government on other countries.” Obama was addressing not just foreign nations but perhaps more pointedly his domestic political rivals.
In 2008 Obama campaigned against the Iraq War and the Republican policymakers who toppled Saddam Hussein to remake Iraq as a democracy. All during his presidency, Obama rebuffed critics who petitioned the administration to send arms or troops to advance U.S. interests and values abroad, most notably in Ukraine and Syria.
In 2016, it was Trump who ran against the Republican foreign policy establishment—which is why hundreds of GOP policymakers and foreign policy intellectuals signed two letters distancing themselves from the party’s candidate. The thin Republican bench of foreign policy experts available to Trump is a big reason why he named the virtually unknown Page to his team. So why was it any surprise that Page sounded like the Republican candidate, who sounded like the Democratic president?
Why Didn’t the Left Like Obama’s Ideas from a Republican?
On the Right, many national security and foreign policy writers like me heard and were worried by the clear echoes of Obama’s policies in the Trump campaign’s proposals. Did those writing from the left side of the political spectrum not see the continuities?
Writing in the Washington Post July 21, 2016, Applebaum explained how a “Trump presidency could destabilize Europe.” The issue, she explained, was Trump’s positive attitude toward Putin. “The extent of the Trump-Russia business connection has already been laid out, by Franklin Foer at Slate,” wrote Applebaum. She named Page and his “long-standing connections to Russian companies.”
Even more suggestive to Applebaum is that just a few days before her article was published, “Trump’s campaign team helped alter the Republican party platform to remove support for Ukraine” from the Republican National Committee’s platform. Maybe, she hinted, that was because of Trump aide Manafort’s ties to Yanukovich.
Did those talking points come from Steele’s opposition research? Manafort’s relationship with Yanukovich had been widely reported in the U.S. press long before he signed on with the Trump campaign. In fact, in 2007 Glenn Simpson was one of the first to write about their shady dealings while he was still working at the Wall Street Journal. The corrupt nature of the Manafort-Yanukovich relationship is an important part of the dossier. So is the claim that in exchange for Russia releasing the DNC emails, “the TRUMP team had agreed to sideline Russian intervention in Ukraine as a campaign issue.”
The reality, however, is that the Trump campaign team never removed support for Ukraine from the party platform. In a March 18, 2017 Washington Examiner article, Byron York interviewed the convention delegate who pushed for tougher language on Russia, and got it.
“In the end, the platform, already fairly strong on the Russia-Ukraine issue,” wrote York, “was strengthened, not weakened.” Maybe Applebaum just picked it up from her own paper’s mis-reporting.
For Applebaum, it was hard to understand why Trump would express skepticism about the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, except to appease Putin. She referred to a recent interview in which Trump “cast doubt on the fundamental basis of transatlantic stability, NATO’s Article 5 guarantee: If Russia invades, he said, he’d have to think first before defending U.S. allies.”
The Echoes Pick Up
In an article published the very same day in the Atlantic, Jeffrey Goldberg made many of the very same observations. Titled “It’s Official: Hillary Clinton is Running Against Vladimir Putin,” the article opens: “The Republican nominee for president, Donald J. Trump, has chosen this week to unmask himself as a de facto agent of Russian President Vladimir Putin.” What was the evidence? Well, for one, Page’s business interests.
Trump’s expressed admiration for Putin and other “equivocating, mercenary statements,” wrote Goldberg, are “unprecedented in the history of Republican foreign policymaking.” However, insofar as Trump’s fundamental aim was to find some common ground with Putin, it’s a goal that, for better or worse, has been a 25-year U.S. policy constant, across party lines. Starting with George W.H. Bush, every American commander-in-chief since the end of the Cold War sought to “reset” relations with Russia.
But Trump, according to Goldberg, was different. “Trump’s understanding of America’s role in the world aligns with Russia’s geostrategic interests.” Here Goldberg rang the same bells as Applebaum—the Trump campaign “watered down” the RNC’s platform on Ukraine; the GOP nominee “questioned whether the U.S., under his leadership, would keep its [NATO] commitments,” including Article 5. Thus, Goldberg concluded: “Donald Trump, should he be elected president, would bring an end to the postwar international order.”
That last bit sounds very bad. Coincidentally, it’s similar to a claim made in the very first paragraph of the Steele dossier — the “Russian regime,” claims one of Steele’s unnamed sources, has been cultivating Trump to “encourage splits and divisions in the western alliance.”
The West won the Cold War because the United States kept it unified. David Remnick saw it up close. Assigned to the Washington Post’s Moscow bureau in 1988, Remnick witnessed the end of the Soviet Union, which he documented in his award-winning book, “Lenin’s Tomb.” So it’s hardly surprising that in his August 3, 2016 New Yorker article, “Trump and Putin: A Love Story,” Remnick sounded alarms concerning the Republican presidential candidate’s manifest affection for the Russian president.
Citing the “original reporting” of Foer’s seminal Slate article, the New Yorker editor contended “that one reason for Trump’s attitude has to do with his business ambitions.” As Remnick elaborated, “one of Trump’s foreign-policy advisers, has longstanding ties to Gazprom, a pillar of Russia’s energy industry.” Who could that be? Right—Carter Page. With Applebaum and Goldberg, Remnick was worried about Trump’s lack of support for Ukraine and the fact that Trump “has declared NATO ‘obsolete’ and has suggested that he might do away with Article 5.”
Where Did All These Echoes Come From?
This brings us to the fundamental question: Is it possible that these top national security and foreign policy journalists were focused on something else during Obama’s two terms in office, something that had nothing to do with foreign policy or national security? It seems we must even entertain the possibility they slept for eight years because nearly everything that frightened them about the prospects of a Trump presidency had already transpired under Obama.
The Trump team wanted to stop short of having the RNC platform promise lethal support to Ukraine—which was in keeping with official U.S. policy. Obama didn’t want to arm the Ukrainians. He ignored numerous congressional efforts to get him to change his mind. “There has been a strong bipartisan well of support for quite some time for providing lethal support,” said California Rep. Adam Schiff. But Obama refused.
As for the western alliance or international order or however you want to put it, it was under the Obama administration that Russia set up shop on NATO’s southern border. With the Syrian conflict, Moscow re-established its foothold in the Middle East after 40 years of American policy designed to keep it from meddling in U.S. spheres of influence. Under Obama, Russia’s enhanced regional position threatened three U.S. allies: Israel, Jordan, and NATO member Turkey.
In 2012, Moscow’s Syrian client brought down a Turkish air force reconnaissance plane. According to a 2013 Wall Street Journal article, “Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan raised alarms in the U.S. by suggesting that Turkey might invoke NATO’s Article V.” However, according to the Journal, “neither the U.S. nor NATO was interested in rushing to Article V… NATO was so wary of getting pulled into Syria that top alliance officials balked at even contingency planning for an intervention force to protect Syrian civilians. ‘For better or worse, [Syrian president Bashar al- Assad] feels he can count on NATO not to intervene right now,’ a senior Western official said.”
Whatever one thinks of Obama’s foreign policy, it is hardly arguable that he—wisely, cautiously, in the most educated and creative ways, or unwisely, stupidly, cravenly, the choice of adjectives is yours—ceded American interests and those of key allies in Europe and the Middle East in an effort to avoid conflict with Russia.
When Russia occupied Crimea and the eastern portion of Ukraine, there was little pushback from the White House. The Obama administration blinked even when Putin’s escalation of forces in Syria sent millions more refugees fleeing abroad, including Europe.
Was Anyone Paying Attention When This Happened?
Surely it couldn’t have escaped Applebaum’s notice that Obama’s posture toward Russia made Europe vulnerable. She’s a specialist in Europe and Russia—she’s written books on both. Her husband is the former foreign minister of Poland. So how, after eight years of Obama’s appeasement of a Russia that threatened to withhold natural gas supplies from the continent, did the Trump team pose a unique threat to European stability?
What about Goldberg? Is it possible that he’d never bothered to research the foreign policy priorities of a president he interviewed five times between 2008 and 2016? In the last interview, from March 2016, Obama told him he was “very proud” of the moment in 2013 when he declined to attack Assad for deploying chemical weapons. As Obama put it, that’s when he broke with the “Washington playbook.” He chose diplomacy instead. He made a deal with Russia over Assad’s conventional arsenal—which Syria continued to use against civilians throughout Obama’s term.
Again, regardless of how you feel about Obama’s decisions, the fact is that he struck an agreement with Moscow that ensured the continued reign of its Syrian ally, who gassed little children. Yet only four months later, Goldberg worried that a Trump presidency would “liberate dictators, first and foremost his ally Vladimir Putin, to advance their own interests.”
Remnick wrote a 2010 biography of Obama, but did he, too, pay no attention to the policies of the man he interviewed frequently over nearly a decade? How is this possible? Did some of America’s top journalists really sleepwalk through Obama’s two terms in office, only to wake in 2016 and find Donald Trump and his campaign becoming dangerously cozy with a historical American adversary?
All’s Fair in War and Politics
Of course not. They enlisted their bylines in a political campaign on behalf of the Democratic candidate for president and rehearsed the talking points Steele later documented. But weren’t the authors of these articles, big-name journalists, embarrassed to be seen reading from a single script and publishing the same article with similar titles within the space of two weeks? Weren’t they worried it would look like they were taking opposition research, from the same source?
No, not really. In a sense, these stories weren’t actually meant to be read. They existed for the purpose of validating the ensuing social media messaging. The stories were written around the headlines, which were written for Twitter: “Putin’s Puppet”; “It’s Official: Hillary Clinton is Running Against Vladimir Putin”; “Trump and Putin: A Love Story”; “The Kremlin’s Candidate.” The stories were vessels built only to launch thousands of 140-character salvos to then sink into the memory hole.
Since everyone took Clinton’s victory for granted, journalists assumed extravagant claims alleging an American presidential candidate’s illicit ties to an adversarial power would fade just as the fireworks punctuating Hillary’s acceptance speech would vanish in the cool November evening. And the sooner the stories were forgotten the better, since they frankly sounded kooky, conspiratorial, as if the heirs to the Algonquin round table sported tin-foil hats while tossing back martinis and trading saucy limericks.
Yes, the Trump-Russia collusion media campaign really was delusional and deranged; it really was a conspiracy theory. So after the unexpected happened, after Trump won the election, the Russiagate campaign morphed into something more urgent, something twisted and delirious.
Quick, Pin Our Garbage Story on Someone
When CNN broke the story—co-written by Evan Perez, a former colleague and friend of Fusion GPS principals—that the Obama administration’s intelligence chiefs had briefed Trump on the existence of the dossier, it not only cleared the way for BuzzFeed to publish the document, it also signaled the press that the intelligence community was on side. This completed the echo chamber, binding one American institution chartered to steal and keep secrets to another embodying our right to free speech. We know which ethic prevailed.
Now Russiagate was no longer part of a political campaign directed at Trump, it was a disinformation operation pointed at the American public, as the pre-election media offensive resonated more fully with the dossier now in the open. You see, said the press: everything we published about Trump and Putin is really true—there’s a document proving it. What the press corps neglected to add is that they’d been reporting talking points from the same opposition research since before the election, and were now showcasing “evidence” to prove it was all true.
The reason the media will not report on the scandal now unfolding before the country, how the Obama administration and Clinton campaign used the resources of the federal government to spy on the party out of power, is not because the press is partisan. No, it is because the press has played an active role in the Trump-Russia collusion story since its inception. It helped birth it.
To report how the dossier was made and marketed, and how it was used to violate the privacy rights of an American citizen—Page—would require admitting complicity in manufacturing Russiagate. Against conventional Washington wisdom, the cover-up in this case is not worse than the crime: Both weigh equally in a scandal signaling that the institution where American citizens are supposed to discuss and debate the choices about how we live with each other has been turned against a large part of the public to delegitimize their political choices.
This Isn’t the 27-Year-Olds’ Fault
I’ve argued over the last year that the phony collusion narrative is a symptom of the structural problems with the press. The rise of the Internet, then social media, and gross corporate mismanagement damaged traditional media institutions. As newspapers and magazines around the country went bankrupt when ownership couldn’t figure out how to make money off the new digital advertising model, an entire generation of journalistic experience, expertise, and ethics was lost. It was replaced, as one Obama White House official famously explained, by 27-year-olds who “literally know nothing.”
But the first vehicles of the Russiagate campaign were not bloggers or recent J-school grads lacking wisdom or guidance to wave off a piece of patent nonsense. They were journalists at the top of their profession—editors-in-chief, columnists, specialists in precisely the subjects that the dossier alleges to treat: foreign policy and national security. They didn’t get fooled. They volunteered their reputations to perpetrate a hoax on the American public.
That’s why, after a year of thousands of furious allegations, all of which concerning Trump are unsubstantiated, the press will not report the real scandal, in which it plays a leading role. When the reckoning comes, Russiagate is likely to be seen not as a symptom of the collapse of the American press, but as one of the causes for it.
Original story by Lee Smith, The Federalist.
(Natural News) The most horrific political scandal in the history of our nation is breaking now. The FISA memo has been released. (FISA stands for Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act.)
Read the full text of the shocking memo at this Axios link or find a short summary at the Washington Examiner. It’s also available at this House.gov link, but that link seem to be inoperable due to a surge of traffic.
Among other stunning revelations of deep state criminality, treason and “weaponization of the intelligence community,” the memo reveals that numerous left-leaning media outlets conspired with deep state criminals to knowingly publish false, salacious information in an attempt to overthrow the elected government and install Hillary Clinton as President.
“…the firm behind the [Trump] dossier, Fusion GPS, briefed major American news outlets to include New York Times, Washington Post, CNN, New Yorker, Yahoo and Mother Jones,” reports Fox News, referring to the collusion between deep state operatives and anti-Trump media outlets.
The “dossier,” of course is the utterly fabricated collection of malicious lies produced by Fusion GPS — with funding from the Clinton campaign — to create fake evidence that could be taken to the FISA court in order to earn approval for spying on Trump campaign members. This gross abuse of power constitutes the most egregious political scandal in America’s history, easily dwarfing the Watergate fiasco.
Mother Jones, CNN and other deep state #FakeNews media liars now caught red-handed
Mother Jones, the Washington Post, NYT, CNN and other malicious anti-Trump publishers have now been caught red-handed peddling false, fake “intelligence” that turns out to be not just complete fiction but even treasonous fiction.
Will these publishers come clean and apologize for their complicity in this scandal? Of course not. They will double down on their lies, attack the memo and try to pull the wool over the eyes of their own readers, all while openly attempting to overthrow the democratically-elected President of this nation. These radical left-wing fake news organizations, it turns out, are willing to sacrifice any last shred of credibility they once had in a last-ditch attempt to unseat an elected President and destroy the very concept of democracy.
The countdown of photo galleries that our Yahoo readers liked the best this year!
Check back in as we’ll be counting down the top 10 until New Year’s Eve.
A cut or tear in a material is typically a sign of weakness. Now, a Northwestern University, University of Illinois and Tsinghua University research team has created complex 3-D micro- and nanostructures out of silicon and …
Source Article from http://phys.org/news/2015-09-yahoo-irs-declined-alibaba-spinoff.html
Parenting is about abortion, according to Yahoo!
Yahoo! Parenting recently published a piece by freelancer Hallie Levine with the headline, “If I Knew My Daughter Had Down Syndrome, I Would Have Aborted Her – All Women Should Have That Right.”
Yahoo! appeared to have no problem sharing the story in which Levine argued that the “ultimate form of condescension to mothers” is to keep them from aborting babies with Down syndrome – often out of “genuine concern.”
(Concern? Concern for whom?)
Levine began her piece by complaining that Ohio may soon become the second state to ban abortions for diagnoses of Down syndrome.
“If I had had a prenatal diagnosis,” she contested, “I would have obtained an abortion.”
Levine slammed the legislation saying, “As a pro-choice woman who has a 7-year-old daughter with Down syndrome, I find this absolutely appalling.”
While, today, she is “beyond grateful” for keeping her little girl, she continued, “I cannot ever in any circumstances imagine insisting others not have that right.”
After learning that her baby, Johanna (Jo Jo), had Down syndrome and other health complications at birth, Levine recalled thinking “I never signed up for this.”
“Seven years later, I remember that day vaguely, as if it was the haze of a bad dream,” she said. While Jo Jo “is the center of my world,” she warned, “it was a rocky road to get where we are today, and while it’s a path I’m glad I’m on, I would never want to see a woman forced into it.”
Because, Levine claimed, if she had been forced to continue her pregnancy after a prenatal diagnosis, “it would have been a disaster.” She continued, “The worst thing you can do to a woman going through a crisis is to leave her feeling even more disempowered.”
Which, by the way, is exactly what abortion does.
She deemed Ohio’s legislation that “strips a woman’s right to terminate a pregnancy because of Down syndrome” as “the ultimate form of condescension to mothers.” [Emphasis added.]
“It sends the message that we’re hyper-emotional during pregnancy, that we can’t think clearly, and that the decision to have an abortion stems from misguided ignorance and fears and selfishness – rather than a genuine concern for the well-being of our unborn child,” she said.
Read that again: aborting a child with Downs can come from a mother’s “genuine concern for the well-being of our unborn child.”
Ironically, Levine came to the conclusion: “I’m so grateful I did not have to make that choice” – the choice to abort her little girl who now reads, swims and performs ballet.
In the face of many obstacles while bringing up Jo Jo – especially education-wise, Levine summarized “I’ve spent so much time fighting for my daughter, other parts of my life have been sacrificed in the crossfire: My career as I once envisioned it, my marriage.”
But it’s worth it, to her.
“At night, when Johanna’s asleep, I slip into her room and watch her, her blonde hair spilling over her pillow, her hands clutching her Barbies in a death grip,” Levine wrote. “She yawns and curls up in a fetal position, slightly snoring, and I am filled with a surge of love for her that makes me realize that yes, I will do anything to help her thrive and succeed.”
That strangely included attacking Ohio’s proposed ban.
“I will tell you what won’t help her” Levine said, “Legislation forcing women to go through with unwanted pregnancies in the misguided belief that it will advance her life, or the quality of life of other people with Down syndrome.”
She concluded, “The only message the Ohio legislation sends to my daughter is that if she gets pregnant, she doesn’t have the right to make decisions based on what she thinks is in her baby’s best interest.”
“And every woman — disabled or otherwise — has that right,” she finished.
Well, yes, every woman – disabled or otherwise, born or unborn – does have a right. The right to life.
STILL reeling from the Jared Fogle controversy, Subway has revealed how it plans to turn its struggling business around.
Source Article from http://news.com.au.feedsportal.com/c/34564/f/632570/s/4978ce0b/sc/19/l/0L0Snews0N0Bau0Cfinance0Cbusiness0Cyahoo0Echief0Emayer0Epregnant0Ewith0Etwins0Cstory0Ee6frfkur0E122750A83555270Dfrom0Fpublic0Irss/story01.htm